[{"url":"https://hdl.handle.net/1866/46873","titre":"Le français dans la fonction publique fédérale","pubDate":"Tue, 03 Nov 2026 08:25:09 +0100","description":"dc.contributor.author: Larochelle, Vincent dc.date.issued: 2026-10 dc.description.abstract: Ce mémoire analyse la politique linguistique canadienne à travers l’un de ses aspects fondamentaux, celui des langues officielles dans la fonction publique fédérale canadienne. En partant d’une mise en contexte historique couvrant la période allant de la Conquête anglaise à la Révolution tranquille, il rappelle d’abord le contexte social dans lequel évoluaient les Canadiens français et les Canadiens anglais, et auquel la politique linguistique canadienne était censée répondre. Pour évaluer l’efficacité de la politique linguistique canadienne, ce mémoire procède à une analyse inédite de la composition linguistique de la fonction publique canadienne au fil du temps. Cette analyse de données s’étalant sur plus de 50 ans révèle un double constat : si les fonctionnaires francophones sont désormais représentés à la hauteur du poids démographique qu’ils occupent dans la société canadienne, les postes français ont subi un effondrement de près de 70% entre 1973 et 2024, passant de 12,5% à seulement 3,2% de l’ensemble des postes, tandis que les postes anglais demeurent quasi-stables, ne perdant sur la même période que 3,1% de leurs effectifs. Dans une fonction publique censée être bilingue selon la Loi, il y a aujourd’hui 15 fois plus de postes anglais que de postes français. Il y a par ailleurs six fois moins de postes français dans la fonction publique fédérale canadienne que le poids réel des francophones au sein de la société canadienne. En outre, pour chaque poste anglais disponible pour un fonctionnaire anglophone, le fonctionnaire francophone a accès à 6 fois moins de postes français. Il en résulte que, comme jadis, l’anglais demeure la langue de travail nettement dominante de la fonction publique fédérale, tandis que le français continue d’être marginalisé, en contradiction avec certains des objectifs de la Loi sur les langues officielles.; This master’s thesis analyzes the Canadian language policy through one of its fundamental aspects, official languages within the Canadian federal public service. Starting with a historical overview spanning the period going from the English Conquest to the Quiet Revolution, it first recalls the social context in which French Canadians and English Canadians evolved, and to which the Canadian language policy was supposed to respond. In order to evaluate the effectiveness of the Canadian language policy, this thesis carries out an original analysis of the linguistic composition of the federal public service over time. This over 50-year data analysis reveals a dual finding: while francophone public servants are now represented in proportion to their demographic weight in Canadian society, french positions have collapsed by nearly 70% between 1973 and 2024, falling from 12.5% to only 3.2% of all positions, whereas English positions have remained nearly stable, losing only 3.1% of their share over the same period. In a public service that is supposed to be bilingual under the Act, there are today 15 times more English positions than French positions. Moreover, there are six times fewer French positions in the Canadian public service than the actual demographic weight of Francophones in the Canadian society. Furthermore, for every Anglophone public servant who obtains a position in their language, a Francophone public servant has 6 times fewer chances of obtaining a position in their language. As a result, as in the past, English remains the clearly dominant working language of the federal public service, while french continues to be marginalized, in contradiction with some of","id":3260041,"source":"Faculté de droit Travaux récents"},{"pubDate":"Fri, 30 Oct 2026 08:03:48 +0100","titre":"Le droit international de l’eau et sa difficile réconciliation avec la souveraineté des États, une étude de cas portant sur l’Égypte et le Nil","url":"https://hdl.handle.net/1866/46727","id":3252075,"description":"dc.contributor.author: Polo-Bergeron, Pierre dc.date.issued: 2026-10 dc.description.abstract: Ce mémoire propose une analyse critique du droit international de l’eau et de son application concrète, en particulier dans le bassin du Nil. La première partie examine l’architecture juridique internationale relative aux eaux transfrontalières, en détaillant ses fondements coutumiers et conventionnels ainsi que ses obligations procédurales et substantielles, et en évaluant son intégration des droits humains. La seconde partie analyse l’exemple égyptien comme vitrine des défis contemporains : elle met en lumière la tension entre la souveraineté étatique, la coopération régionale, la sécurité hydrique, le changement climatique et les crises humanitaires. L’étude conclut que si le droit international de l’eau constitue une base normative solide, sa mise en oeuvre reste tributaire de la volonté politique des États et de la création de mécanismes conjoints, qui seuls permettent une coopération effective et durable dans la gestion des ressources partagées.; This thesis offers a critical analysis of international water law and its practical application, with a focus on the Nile Basin. The first part examines the international legal framework governing transboundary freshwater resources, detailing its customary and conventional foundations as well as its procedural and substantive obligations, including its integration with human rights law. The second part explores Egypt as a case study illustrating the contemporary challenges of inter- State cooperation under the constraints of sovereignty, climate change impacts, and humanitarian crises. The study concludes that while international water law provides a strong normative basis, its implementation depends on political willingness and the establishment of joint management mechanisms, which are essential for effective and sustainable cooperation in managing shared water resources. dc.type: Thèse ou mémoire / Thesis or Dissertation etd.degree.discipline: Droit","source":"Faculté de droit Travaux récents"},{"source":"The Conversation – Articles (FR)","id":3248553,"description":"KEY TAKEAWAYS The French high schooler-led uprising is not a sign of a generational struggle pitting the young against baby boomers. The uprisings indicate a state of discontentment reflecting three grievances: failings within the education system, eco-anxiety and concerns over employment in the age of AI. Far from demanding a break with the established order, young protesters are simply asking for the right to live a good and fair life... like their predecessors before them. Rarely has Freud’s Civilization and Its Discontents seemed so relevant to the times in which we are living. Although the discontents we are currently witnessing do not necessarily affect society as a whole, they are certainly impacting an entire generation born in the 21st century, as well as their parents and their social environment. Admittedly, we know that generations are not homogeneous and that any attempt to generalise is an oversimplification. Nevertheless, the high schoolers that are taking to the streets to protest in this day and age belong to a relatively homogeneous age cohort. You would be forgiven for thinking that the current unrest is the result of a clash of generations. From the outside, it is often viewed as a generational tug of war between a struggling young population and the rest: an aging but relatively prosperous Europe . Criticism is, without doubt, being directed at “baby-boomers” or those born during the thirty years following World War II (which were marked by economic prosperity and low unemployment, conditions that now seem a world away today). The problem lies elsewhere Nevertheless, this is not a generational conflict, and the fact that a substantial proportion of parents , as well as the majority of the population , share the students’ demands shows that the problem lies elsewhere. These demands are nothing new, and they help explain why many parents joined their children during the first demonstrations, along with teachers, to show their support over deteriorating conditions in high schools. The students and their initial demands were hijacked by more politically radical movements, some even revolutionary or anarchist, as well as opportunistic groups that took advantage of the disorder to loot shops and businesses, without any tangible political agenda. According to an official report dated October 14, 2026, “937 law enforcement officers, 248 students and 149 members of educational staff have been injured since the beginning of the high school student movement.” The demonstrations on October 18 resulted in more than 1,800 arrests . The proliferation of various groups with overlapping demands muddles the student movements’ original message, leaving us with little more than the smouldering remnants of a battlefield. Nevertheless, it is the central concerns of these students that I wish to explore here. Ultimately, this movement appears to lie at the intersection of several anxiety-inducing issues. Rather than speaking of a convergence of struggles, we should speak of a convergence of anxieties. Three sources of anxiety The movement appears to reflect the convergence of three factors that are also sources of concern: the perceived deterioration of public education ecological anxiety the new difficulties young people face in the labour market, particularly those associated with the development of artificial intelligence (AI). These three factors provide fertile ground for psychosocial anxiety. The high school students’ main demands appear legitimate and concern improving working conditions: replacing absent teachers, shortening excessively long school days, reducing the number of students per class, repairing and maintaining infrastructure, and improving or abolishing Parcoursup , the widely criticised higher education admissions platform that is often difficult to understand. These demands echo the broader perception that conditions in the French school system have deteriorated and that the system is relatively inefficient compared with those of neighbouring countries.","pubDate":"Thu, 29 Oct 2026 07:58:22 +0100","url":"https://theconversation.com/france-three-overlapping-woes-are-fuelling-a-generation-of-discontent-295102","titre":"France: three overlapping woes are fuelling a generation of discontent"},{"titre":"Brazil: Lula’s presidential win puts the brakes on the rise of the far right in Latin America","url":"https://theconversation.com/brazil-lulas-presidential-win-puts-the-brakes-on-the-rise-of-the-far-right-in-latin-america-295219","pubDate":"Tue, 27 Oct 2026 13:57:26 +0100","source":"The Conversation – Articles (FR)","description":"KEY TAKEAWAYS Social policies, such as support for small businesses, and a shorter working week without a loss of pay helped president Lula to turn around Brazil’s election. Street protests and social media strengthened Lula’s campaign amid allegations of election interference by Meta favouring Flávio Bolsonaro. Major challenges lie ahead as Lula faces a right-leaning Congress, opposition from the Bolsonaro movement and pressure from the Trump administration. Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva won Brazil’s presidential election with 51.79% of valid votes, unexpectedly reversing the first-round result won by Flávio Bolsonaro, a first in Brazilian presidential elections. Between the two rounds, he gained about 10.4 million additional votes. Defeated, right-wing challenger Flávio Bolsonaro announced that he would ask for the election to be annulled. The next day, his party, the Liberal Party (PL), acknowledged the result. Brazil’s nonalignment sounds a warning to the global far right Beyond halting the advance of Donald Trump’s and Secretary of State Marco Rubio’s influence in the region, Brazil’s election result points to strategies by which far right success in other countries can be contained. It is also a personal defeat for Trump, who invested energy and influence without openly declaring his support, but with the objective of returning the Bolsonaro family to power. Lula’s victory can be attributed to three equally important factors. The first is a package of social measures: an increase in Bolsa Família, the government’s flagship cash-transfer program; the announcement of measures benefiting individual microentrepreneurs (MEI), who account for nearly 70% of active businesses in Brazil; and, above all, the approval, during the second-round campaign, of the government’s bill reducing the working week from six to five days with no loss of pay . In a poll conducted four days before the vote, this legislation was the news item that mattered most in determining voters’ choice (17%). It was followed by reports of Supreme Federal Court (STF) justices’ involvement in the Banco Master corruption case (14%), politicians’ involvement in the same case (13%), and the Lula government’s lifting of the ban on online betting houses, known as “bets” (11%). Between the two rounds, Lula raised his government’s approval rating, particularly among higher-income voters (+6 p.p) and right-wing voters outside of bolsonarismo (+12 p.p), i.e. groups that make up Flávio’s voter base. Over the same period, fear of the Bolsonaro family’s return to power overtook fear of Lula’s reelection (44% to 42%) . Taking to the streets and digital power Such a turnaround was driven, in large part, by mass mobilisation of Lula’s supporters in the streets and on social media. Large rallies called by students and other mostly young people brought millions of people on the streets, breaking the chill seen in the preceding weeks . The largest rally in support of Lula took place in São Paulo on October 24. Demonstrators sang the Independence Anthem of Brazil, a clear reference to Brazil’s independence from Trump’s interventionist policy . Part of this interventionism was attributed to the actions of Meta, the parent company of Instagram, Facebook and WhatsApp. During the second-round campaign, allegations grew that the company had favoured Flávio Bolsonaro and other far-right candidates by manipulating its algorithms . While Meta denied any favouritism, blaming technical failures, internal messages revealed by Folha de S. Paulo revealed that Lula’s campaign had been unable to boost posts for nearly 24 hours in October. In reaction to the far right’s domination of the digital environment, one of the major landmarks of the second round was the creation of the “Lula’s Army”, a WhatsApp channel set up by a federal deputy that gathered more than 10 million","id":3244497},{"titre":"CALL Member Article: Gender Inclusivity in Canadian Legal Writing and Style Guides","url":"https://www.callacbd.ca/CALL-Blog/12854401","pubDate":"Mon, 26 Oct 2026 07:55:48 +0100","source":"Canadian Association of Law Libraries / L'Association canadienne des bibliothèques de droit CALL/ACBD Blog","description":"CALL member Dominique Garingan , Library Manager in the Calgary office of Parlee McLaws LLP, recently wrote an article on \" The Singular They: Gender Inclusivity in Canadian Legal Writing and Style Guides \" . It originally appeared on the website Notes Between Us on June 22, 2022 . It is reprinted here with permission. Language is a product of culture, and it is known that the English language lacks a singular pronoun that signifies the non-specific   he   or   she . Although at times unintentional, this singularity versus plurality of pronouns, coupled with gendered indicators, has helped entrench the binary perceptions of gender found in writing which we are now seeking to change.  The Department of Justice of Canada recently provided a   series of guidelines   on the use of gender-neutral language in a legislative context. These guidelines include as a recommendation the use of the singular   they   and its other grammatical forms ( them ,   themselves , and   their ) to refer to indefinite pronouns and singular nouns 1 . In addition, dictionaries such as the Oxford English Dictionary ( definition 2 | blog ), the Canadian Oxford Dictionary ( definition 3 ), the Cambridge Dictionary ( definition ) and the Merriam-Webster Dictionary ( definition | blog ) have acknowledged both the acceptability – and, for some, the controversy – of the singular   they. While there seems to be a growing acceptance towards gender inclusive and non-binary pronouns, this post seeks to explore an increasingly acknowledged yet still seemingly paradoxical entity in legal writing:   the singular   they . This post briefly investigates the use and acceptance or lack thereof of   they   as a singular pronoun through a review of a limited sample of Canadian legal research, writing, and style guides accessible to the writer. Although current writing practices on gender inclusivity may have since changed since the publication of these titles, this post hopes to assist writers, researchers, librarians, and information professionals by providing a non-exhaustive point-in-time review of Canadian legal writing references and help facilitate a turning point in the journey towards greater inclusivity in legal writing. The Literature Reviewed (in Reverse Order of Publication) Edward Berry,   Writing Reasons: A Handbook for Judges , 5th ed (Toronto: LexisNexis Canada, 2020).  In the sample of guides reviewed,   Writing Reasons   seemed to provide the most inclusive perspective in its instruction. It was somewhat refreshing to see a writing handbook for judges as being the most progressive in its recommendations, albeit also the most recently published. The guide contains a section entitled   Prejudicial Language   and provides a checklist for more inclusive strategies. (p 114-115) “Invite the parties to define their own identity” is first on the list. As an example, Berry notes that some people may prefer the gender neutral   Mx.   to   Mr.   or   Ms . “Be wary of personal pronouns” is also listed. Here, Berry states that those who don’t identify as male or female may prefer   they . Berry notes the acceptance of   they   as a singular pronoun. However, the","id":3241470},{"id":3241460,"description":"By: Susannah Tredwell , Manager of Library Services at DLA Piper (Canada) LLP and James Bachmann , Instructional Librarian, Law Library, University of British Columbia Since 1988, when CALL/ACBD’s Copyright Committee was first set up, CALL/ACBD has advocated for its members' interests in the area of copyright. While the primary focus of CALL/ACBD’s copyright advocacy over the last few years has been on Crown copyright and primary law, CALL/ACBD has also made submissions about such areas as fair dealing and licencing. CALL/ACBD sees this work as not only supporting the needs of its members but also as serving the interests of access to justice as a whole. Continuing this work, on January 18, 2022 CALL/ACBD, along with Library Futures Institute, will act as an intervener in the Supreme Court of Canada case Society of Composers, Authors and Music Publishers of Canada, et al. v. Entertainment Software Association, et al.   Kim Nayyer, CALL/ACBD’s President, and Robert Janes of JFK Law   will be representing CALL/ACBD and Library Futures. This case addresses the question of how the concepts of “communication to the public by telecommunication” and “making available on demand” as used in the Copyright Act should be understood. The outcome of this case has the potential to significantly impact various library activities, including controlled digital lending and possibly even the simple use of hyperlinks, particularly in light of the limited scope of current library and education exceptions in the Copyright Act . CALL/ACBD's submitted that the court refrain from broadly construing the terms “making available” and “Communication to the Public by Telecommunication” and that s. 2.4(1.1) of the act (\"Communication to the public by telecommunication\")   does not need to be understood as creating a new right.   You can find CALL/ACBD’s intervener's factum at https://www.scc-csc.ca/WebDocuments-DocumentsWeb/39418/FM050_Intervener_Canadian-Association-Law-Libraries-et-al.pdf . The other factums in this case are available at https://www.scc-csc.ca/case-dossier/info/af-ma-eng.aspx?cas=39418 .  CALL/ACBD has acted as an intervener at the Supreme Court of Canada on two other occasions. In Keatley Surveying Ltd. v. Teranet Inc. , which looked at Crown copyright, CALL/ACBD submitted   that “s. 12 Crown copyright does not extend to primary sources of law”. In York University v. Canadian Copyright Licensing Agency  (\"Access Copyright\"), CALL/ACBD submitted   that the SCC “should resist the temptation to modify or clarify the existing fair dealing test” stating that the existing test “is a flexible multifactorial test that allows libraries (and other institutions) to tailor access and appropriate copying policies that consider all relevant circumstances.” CALL/ACBD also made submissions to the 2018 review of the Copyright Act , R.S.C. 1985, c. C-42: one general submission   and