[{"pubDate":"Thu, 29 Oct 2026 07:58:22 +0100","url":"https://theconversation.com/france-three-overlapping-woes-are-fuelling-a-generation-of-discontent-295102","titre":"France: three overlapping woes are fuelling a generation of discontent","source":"The Conversation – Articles (FR)","id":3248553,"description":"KEY TAKEAWAYS The French high schooler-led uprising is not a sign of a generational struggle pitting the young against baby boomers. The uprisings indicate a state of discontentment reflecting three grievances: failings within the education system, eco-anxiety and concerns over employment in the age of AI. Far from demanding a break with the established order, young protesters are simply asking for the right to live a good and fair life... like their predecessors before them. Rarely has Freud’s Civilization and Its Discontents seemed so relevant to the times in which we are living. Although the discontents we are currently witnessing do not necessarily affect society as a whole, they are certainly impacting an entire generation born in the 21st century, as well as their parents and their social environment. Admittedly, we know that generations are not homogeneous and that any attempt to generalise is an oversimplification. Nevertheless, the high schoolers that are taking to the streets to protest in this day and age belong to a relatively homogeneous age cohort. You would be forgiven for thinking that the current unrest is the result of a clash of generations. From the outside, it is often viewed as a generational tug of war between a struggling young population and the rest: an aging but relatively prosperous Europe . Criticism is, without doubt, being directed at “baby-boomers” or those born during the thirty years following World War II (which were marked by economic prosperity and low unemployment, conditions that now seem a world away today). The problem lies elsewhere Nevertheless, this is not a generational conflict, and the fact that a substantial proportion of parents , as well as the majority of the population , share the students’ demands shows that the problem lies elsewhere. These demands are nothing new, and they help explain why many parents joined their children during the first demonstrations, along with teachers, to show their support over deteriorating conditions in high schools. The students and their initial demands were hijacked by more politically radical movements, some even revolutionary or anarchist, as well as opportunistic groups that took advantage of the disorder to loot shops and businesses, without any tangible political agenda. According to an official report dated October 14, 2026, “937 law enforcement officers, 248 students and 149 members of educational staff have been injured since the beginning of the high school student movement.” The demonstrations on October 18 resulted in more than 1,800 arrests . The proliferation of various groups with overlapping demands muddles the student movements’ original message, leaving us with little more than the smouldering remnants of a battlefield. Nevertheless, it is the central concerns of these students that I wish to explore here. Ultimately, this movement appears to lie at the intersection of several anxiety-inducing issues. Rather than speaking of a convergence of struggles, we should speak of a convergence of anxieties. Three sources of anxiety The movement appears to reflect the convergence of three factors that are also sources of concern: the perceived deterioration of public education ecological anxiety the new difficulties young people face in the labour market, particularly those associated with the development of artificial intelligence (AI). These three factors provide fertile ground for psychosocial anxiety. The high school students’ main demands appear legitimate and concern improving working conditions: replacing absent teachers, shortening excessively long school days, reducing the number of students per class, repairing and maintaining infrastructure, and improving or abolishing Parcoursup , the widely criticised higher education admissions platform that is often difficult to understand. These demands echo the broader perception that conditions in the French school system have deteriorated and that the system is relatively inefficient compared with those of neighbouring countries."},{"pubDate":"Tue, 27 Oct 2026 13:57:26 +0100","url":"https://theconversation.com/brazil-lulas-presidential-win-puts-the-brakes-on-the-rise-of-the-far-right-in-latin-america-295219","titre":"Brazil: Lula’s presidential win puts the brakes on the rise of the far right in Latin America","source":"The Conversation – Articles (FR)","id":3244497,"description":"KEY TAKEAWAYS Social policies, such as support for small businesses, and a shorter working week without a loss of pay helped president Lula to turn around Brazil’s election. Street protests and social media strengthened Lula’s campaign amid allegations of election interference by Meta favouring Flávio Bolsonaro. Major challenges lie ahead as Lula faces a right-leaning Congress, opposition from the Bolsonaro movement and pressure from the Trump administration. Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva won Brazil’s presidential election with 51.79% of valid votes, unexpectedly reversing the first-round result won by Flávio Bolsonaro, a first in Brazilian presidential elections. Between the two rounds, he gained about 10.4 million additional votes. Defeated, right-wing challenger Flávio Bolsonaro announced that he would ask for the election to be annulled. The next day, his party, the Liberal Party (PL), acknowledged the result. Brazil’s nonalignment sounds a warning to the global far right Beyond halting the advance of Donald Trump’s and Secretary of State Marco Rubio’s influence in the region, Brazil’s election result points to strategies by which far right success in other countries can be contained. It is also a personal defeat for Trump, who invested energy and influence without openly declaring his support, but with the objective of returning the Bolsonaro family to power. Lula’s victory can be attributed to three equally important factors. The first is a package of social measures: an increase in Bolsa Família, the government’s flagship cash-transfer program; the announcement of measures benefiting individual microentrepreneurs (MEI), who account for nearly 70% of active businesses in Brazil; and, above all, the approval, during the second-round campaign, of the government’s bill reducing the working week from six to five days with no loss of pay . In a poll conducted four days before the vote, this legislation was the news item that mattered most in determining voters’ choice (17%). It was followed by reports of Supreme Federal Court (STF) justices’ involvement in the Banco Master corruption case (14%), politicians’ involvement in the same case (13%), and the Lula government’s lifting of the ban on online betting houses, known as “bets” (11%). Between the two rounds, Lula raised his government’s approval rating, particularly among higher-income voters (+6 p.p) and right-wing voters outside of bolsonarismo (+12 p.p), i.e. groups that make up Flávio’s voter base. Over the same period, fear of the Bolsonaro family’s return to power overtook fear of Lula’s reelection (44% to 42%) . Taking to the streets and digital power Such a turnaround was driven, in large part, by mass mobilisation of Lula’s supporters in the streets and on social media. Large rallies called by students and other mostly young people brought millions of people on the streets, breaking the chill seen in the preceding weeks . The largest rally in support of Lula took place in São Paulo on October 24. Demonstrators sang the Independence Anthem of Brazil, a clear reference to Brazil’s independence from Trump’s interventionist policy . Part of this interventionism was attributed to the actions of Meta, the parent company of Instagram, Facebook and WhatsApp. During the second-round campaign, allegations grew that the company had favoured Flávio Bolsonaro and other far-right candidates by manipulating its algorithms . While Meta denied any favouritism, blaming technical failures, internal messages revealed by Folha de S. Paulo revealed that Lula’s campaign had been unable to boost posts for nearly 24 hours in October. In reaction to the far right’s domination of the digital environment, one of the major landmarks of the second round was the creation of the “Lula’s Army”, a WhatsApp channel set up by a federal deputy that gathered more than 10 million"}]