[{"pubDate":"Fri, 30 Oct 2026 08:03:48 +0100","url":"https://hdl.handle.net/1866/46727","titre":"Le droit international de l’eau et sa difficile réconciliation avec la souveraineté des États, une étude de cas portant sur l’Égypte et le Nil","id":3252075,"description":"dc.contributor.author: Polo-Bergeron, Pierre dc.date.issued: 2026-10 dc.description.abstract: Ce mémoire propose une analyse critique du droit international de l’eau et de son application concrète, en particulier dans le bassin du Nil. La première partie examine l’architecture juridique internationale relative aux eaux transfrontalières, en détaillant ses fondements coutumiers et conventionnels ainsi que ses obligations procédurales et substantielles, et en évaluant son intégration des droits humains. La seconde partie analyse l’exemple égyptien comme vitrine des défis contemporains : elle met en lumière la tension entre la souveraineté étatique, la coopération régionale, la sécurité hydrique, le changement climatique et les crises humanitaires. L’étude conclut que si le droit international de l’eau constitue une base normative solide, sa mise en oeuvre reste tributaire de la volonté politique des États et de la création de mécanismes conjoints, qui seuls permettent une coopération effective et durable dans la gestion des ressources partagées.; This thesis offers a critical analysis of international water law and its practical application, with a focus on the Nile Basin. The first part examines the international legal framework governing transboundary freshwater resources, detailing its customary and conventional foundations as well as its procedural and substantive obligations, including its integration with human rights law. The second part explores Egypt as a case study illustrating the contemporary challenges of inter- State cooperation under the constraints of sovereignty, climate change impacts, and humanitarian crises. The study concludes that while international water law provides a strong normative basis, its implementation depends on political willingness and the establishment of joint management mechanisms, which are essential for effective and sustainable cooperation in managing shared water resources. dc.type: Thèse ou mémoire / Thesis or Dissertation etd.degree.discipline: Droit","source":"Faculté de droit Travaux récents"},{"id":3244497,"description":"KEY TAKEAWAYS Social policies, such as support for small businesses, and a shorter working week without a loss of pay helped president Lula to turn around Brazil’s election. Street protests and social media strengthened Lula’s campaign amid allegations of election interference by Meta favouring Flávio Bolsonaro. Major challenges lie ahead as Lula faces a right-leaning Congress, opposition from the Bolsonaro movement and pressure from the Trump administration. Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva won Brazil’s presidential election with 51.79% of valid votes, unexpectedly reversing the first-round result won by Flávio Bolsonaro, a first in Brazilian presidential elections. Between the two rounds, he gained about 10.4 million additional votes. Defeated, right-wing challenger Flávio Bolsonaro announced that he would ask for the election to be annulled. The next day, his party, the Liberal Party (PL), acknowledged the result. Brazil’s nonalignment sounds a warning to the global far right Beyond halting the advance of Donald Trump’s and Secretary of State Marco Rubio’s influence in the region, Brazil’s election result points to strategies by which far right success in other countries can be contained. It is also a personal defeat for Trump, who invested energy and influence without openly declaring his support, but with the objective of returning the Bolsonaro family to power. Lula’s victory can be attributed to three equally important factors. The first is a package of social measures: an increase in Bolsa Família, the government’s flagship cash-transfer program; the announcement of measures benefiting individual microentrepreneurs (MEI), who account for nearly 70% of active businesses in Brazil; and, above all, the approval, during the second-round campaign, of the government’s bill reducing the working week from six to five days with no loss of pay . In a poll conducted four days before the vote, this legislation was the news item that mattered most in determining voters’ choice (17%). It was followed by reports of Supreme Federal Court (STF) justices’ involvement in the Banco Master corruption case (14%), politicians’ involvement in the same case (13%), and the Lula government’s lifting of the ban on online betting houses, known as “bets” (11%). Between the two rounds, Lula raised his government’s approval rating, particularly among higher-income voters (+6 p.p) and right-wing voters outside of bolsonarismo (+12 p.p), i.e. groups that make up Flávio’s voter base. Over the same period, fear of the Bolsonaro family’s return to power overtook fear of Lula’s reelection (44% to 42%) . Taking to the streets and digital power Such a turnaround was driven, in large part, by mass mobilisation of Lula’s supporters in the streets and on social media. Large rallies called by students and other mostly young people brought millions of people on the streets, breaking the chill seen in the preceding weeks . The largest rally in support of Lula took place in São Paulo on October 24. Demonstrators sang the Independence Anthem of Brazil, a clear reference to Brazil’s independence from Trump’s interventionist policy . Part of this interventionism was attributed to the actions of Meta, the parent company of Instagram, Facebook and WhatsApp. During the second-round campaign, allegations grew that the company had favoured Flávio Bolsonaro and other far-right candidates by manipulating its algorithms . While Meta denied any favouritism, blaming technical failures, internal messages revealed by Folha de S. Paulo revealed that Lula’s campaign had been unable to boost posts for nearly 24 hours in October. In reaction to the far right’s domination of the digital environment, one of the major landmarks of the second round was the creation of the “Lula’s Army”, a WhatsApp channel set up by a federal deputy that gathered more than 10 million","source":"The Conversation – Articles (FR)","pubDate":"Tue, 27 Oct 2026 13:57:26 +0100","titre":"Brazil: Lula’s presidential win puts the brakes on the rise of the far right in Latin America","url":"https://theconversation.com/brazil-lulas-presidential-win-puts-the-brakes-on-the-rise-of-the-far-right-in-latin-america-295219"},{"description":"By: Susannah Tredwell , Manager of Library Services at DLA Piper (Canada) LLP and James Bachmann , Instructional Librarian, Law Library, University of British Columbia Since 1988, when CALL/ACBD’s Copyright Committee was first set up, CALL/ACBD has advocated for its members' interests in the area of copyright. While the primary focus of CALL/ACBD’s copyright advocacy over the last few years has been on Crown copyright and primary law, CALL/ACBD has also made submissions about such areas as fair dealing and licencing. CALL/ACBD sees this work as not only supporting the needs of its members but also as serving the interests of access to justice as a whole. Continuing this work, on January 18, 2022 CALL/ACBD, along with Library Futures Institute, will act as an intervener in the Supreme Court of Canada case Society of Composers, Authors and Music Publishers of Canada, et al. v. Entertainment Software Association, et al.   Kim Nayyer, CALL/ACBD’s President, and Robert Janes of JFK Law   will be representing CALL/ACBD and Library Futures. This case addresses the question of how the concepts of “communication to the public by telecommunication” and “making available on demand” as used in the Copyright Act should be understood. The outcome of this case has the potential to significantly impact various library activities, including controlled digital lending and possibly even the simple use of hyperlinks, particularly in light of the limited scope of current library and education exceptions in the Copyright Act . CALL/ACBD's submitted that the court refrain from broadly construing the terms “making available” and “Communication to the Public by Telecommunication” and that s. 2.4(1.1) of the act (\"Communication to the public by telecommunication\")   does not need to be understood as creating a new right.   You can find CALL/ACBD’s intervener's factum at https://www.scc-csc.ca/WebDocuments-DocumentsWeb/39418/FM050_Intervener_Canadian-Association-Law-Libraries-et-al.pdf . The other factums in this case are available at https://www.scc-csc.ca/case-dossier/info/af-ma-eng.aspx?cas=39418 .  CALL/ACBD has acted as an intervener at the Supreme Court of Canada on two other occasions. In Keatley Surveying Ltd. v. Teranet Inc. , which looked at Crown copyright, CALL/ACBD submitted   that “s. 12 Crown copyright does not extend to primary sources of law”. In York University v. Canadian Copyright Licensing Agency  (\"Access Copyright\"), CALL/ACBD submitted   that the SCC “should resist the temptation to modify or clarify the existing fair dealing test” stating that the existing test “is a flexible multifactorial test that allows libraries (and other institutions) to tailor access and appropriate copying policies that consider all relevant circumstances.” CALL/ACBD also made submissions to the 2018 review of the Copyright Act , R.S.C. 1985, c. C-42: one general submission   and